Showing posts with label Kevin Rudd. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Kevin Rudd. Show all posts

2008-12-08

Australia likely to be in recession by end of year

Despite all the wonderful protestations by business leaders and politicians about how strong Australia's economy is, bad economic news continues to bubble up.

The latest bit of news is that job advertisements in November 2008 have dropped the most on record. Last week, inflation gauges showed prices dropping quickly in October and November, coming at the same time as the Reserve Bank cut rates aggressively.

So we have a considerable fall in inflation accompanied by a considerable decrease in employment demand. Anyone with ECON101 knowledge knows that those figures together indicate a slowdown.

But then we have to add more, namely the recent GDP figures showing 2008 Q3 growing at a mere 0.1%. If that is revised downwards (and it is possible), then 2008 Q4 - which is already looking to be a negative number - could result in a "technical definition" of a recession (two quarters of economic decline).

So. Who to blame? Kevin Rudd? Despite the fact that the guy hasn't really done anything in his first year as Prime Minister you can't blame him for the current downturn. What about John Howard? The former PM and the coalition government did create some good economic conditions - namely a complete removal of government debt - which will give Rudd and the ALP a lot of room to run sustainable deficits. Howard, though, did help create a housing bubble in Australia with the First Homebuyer's grant and the Negative Gearing tax loophole - but then again Rudd hasn't done anything to remove it since winning the Federal Election 12 months ago.

But, of course, Australia is a small economy that is joined to the rest of the world, and as the economic contagion in the US has spread to Europe and Asia, so it has also spread to Australia.

Having said all that I still have some level of confidence in the Australian economy. We certainly won't avoid a recession IMO, but it will be on the upside (the recovery) that Australia's economic strength (or lack of it) will be shown. Unemployment, for example, will not exceed that of the US.

2008-09-03

Claytons change

For my Australian readers, it comes as no surprise that Kevin Rudd's short time as PM has not been one to gush about. Even back in 1996 I was cynical enough to know that John Howard's shine would eventually wear off but in 1997 he was still, in my mind, quite liked by most, including myself. And that wasn't due to clever marketing but substantial policies that had been initiated but had yet to bear any fruit.

Rudd, on the other hand, is suffering from a bit of malaise. I use that word deliberately because he reminds me slightly of Jimmy Carter's late 1970s problem. Rudd is unlucky enough to become PM during the cusp of a world recession while Howard was "lucky" enough to be PM during a period of great expansion.

But, even when factoring in these issues, what exactly has the Labor government actually done? Said sorry to Aboriginies... that's good. But are there any substantial policies in place to help them? Signed Kyoto Accord... that's good, but any substantial policies in place to reduce carbon emissions? Well there's the whole carbon trading thing but that's not substantial enough in my books.

One thing which invigorated the early Howard years was the conservative rhetoric that went along with it. Despite much of it being mere blabber, there was enough substantive statements to make it "feel" as though Australia was headed by politicians who had clear goals in mind. It doesn't feel this way presently. I know that centrist ideas are typically difficult to energise people because they are so, well, "complex"... but there's no real debate that I can see going on about Australia's future on behalf of the ALP. Maybe I'm out of touch... I know more about US politics than Australian politics these days.

What I do know is that the ALP is in power in every state government in Australia and controls the Federal government. Despite being "new" to power in Canberra, there is a jadedness about the ALP that I feel at the moment. The Coalition may have been a toxic mixture of racists and populists but at least they had some brilliant policies that bore fruit. The ALP seems filled with political operatives who are more concerned about their own position within the party than with good governance. The Coalition always seemed to produce political "Mavericks" who, for good or ill, roiled the party and the nation with ideas. The ALP, on the other hand, just seems bereft of ideas.

As Australians all know, "Claytons" is a brand of non-alcoholic beverage that looks like Whiskey but tastes like anything but. Back in the 1970s Claytons created a brilliant marketing campaign that has entered the national psyche. This campaign had the message "Claytons - the drink you have when you're not having a drink". Ever since then the term "Claytons" has been used as a perjorative term. In this case, the ALP government is indulging in "Claytons change" - the change you have when you don't have change. It means a cheap rip-off, a pale, weak and despised copy of what should really be there.

Ross Gittins, a noted economic commentator at the Sydney Morning Herald, says this:
Kevin Rudd fought the election by promising "fresh leadership" that would make our lives better without involving unpopular change. Indeed, he promised to retain vast swathes of John Howard's policies. In short, he promised change without change.

The public's slowly growing disillusionment with the Rudd Government represents its dawning realisation that change without change isn't possible.

Rudd left us with the impression there was something he could do about high petrol and grocery prices. As it turns out, what he's able to do is of little consequence. Somehow that's a lot clearer now than it was then.

Rudd promised us an Education Revolution that would bring us better schools, universities and technical colleges and so more of the highly skilled, better-paid jobs we need to prosper in a more competitive world.

But not to worry, this would not involve interfering with the Howard government's scheme for making grants to public and private schools.
I respect Gittins as a commentator. Apart from "saying it like it is", he is more concerned with good policy than with political ideology. He was one of the first respectable expert commentators to question John Howard's economic policies back in the late 1990s. Although I often disagree with Gittins' economics these days, I think his article is spot on and fleshes out everything I am feeling towards Rudd and the ALP these days.

If Rudd and the ALP continue in their do-nothing, "Claytons change" ways... and if the Coalition flips on climate change and the environment... I would be more than willing to endorse the Coalition at the next election.


2008-07-07

NSW Politicians cynically create media storm

From the department of look at the evil painting:
The Premier and the Prime Minister are again appalled, but a young girl photographed nude by her mother says the image, on the cover of the latest Arts Monthly Australia, is her favourite.

In the latest row over the depiction of nude children, Morris Iemma and the state Opposition Leader, Barry O'Farrell, are so offended by the nude pictures of a young girl they want the magazine that published them stripped of federal funding. Kevin Rudd said he could not stand them.

But the girl says the picture is her favourite image and still hangs in the house.

"She just enjoys it. It's acting. She just loves it," said the 11-year-old girl's father, Robert Nelson. "Poli [Polixeni Papapetrou, the girl's mother] wrote a doctoral thesis on this. It's a highly researched body of work."

The images, part of a practice in which Papapetrou works with her daughter, were reproduced in an edition of the magazine that explores the storm over the Bill Henson photographs that were to be shown in Sydney in May.
Here is the offending painting:



That picture is NOT a form of paedophilic pornography. It's just a painting of a kid at the beach. It has nothing remotely to do with the Bill Henson photographs. The state government, so embroiled in other more worthy scandals, has basically created this media storm to deflect people's attention from them to the dirty paedophile elitist artistic community.

If that painting is pornographic, then this album cover is as well:



Time to burn our Led Zeppelin albums... 35 years after they came out onto the shelf.

Update:
The 1st picture above was sourced from The Sydney Morning Herald. It is different to the one that is actually on the front cover of the magazine. Here is the original:


So it's a picture of a child on a painted background, rather than a painting. Nevertheless there is nothing terribly offensive about this picture.

2008-07-03

Price Controls - a rethink

Prince Controls. They're bad. They're evil. Politicians and Economists who suggest them are idiots.

And for good reason. History shows us that whenever price controls have been used to control inflation, they neither solve inflation nor help people pay less. The Austrian School of economic thinking has convinced us - rightly - that prices should be controlled by market signals.

We're in the midst of another oil crisis. One thing which is different in this oil crisis is the lack of queues around petrol stations. Why were there queues back in the 1970s and not today? Well, back in the 1970s, Price Controls enacted by governments to control inflation meant that the ordinary behaviour of "supply and demand" was countered. So even though there were supply problems, the Price Controls ensured that consumers did not adjust their behaviour. Result? Petrol stations running out of petrol and long queues at ones that did have petrol.

Such behaviour was also present in the Soviet Union. The price controls of Soviet shops ensured that, while bread was cheap, there was never enough of it to satisfy - and so people queued. Queueing is the natural response to Price Control.

These days, with Price Controls gone, and with the market driving petrol costs, people are buying less petrol. This means there are no queues, because demand is dropping in response to supply issues. Price Controls have never served as an effective method of containing inflation.

Nevertheless, I have been in recent times rethinking them - not as a way of controlling inflation, but as a way of controlling demand. Rather than the government setting prices below what the market sets (which is a queue-maker), what if the government set prices above what the market sets, in order to reduce demand?

Our world needs to get off its addiction to oil and petrol. High oil prices have resulted in changed social and economic behaviour - people are buying more economical cars or taking public transport or riding or walking to places. Nevertheless, the importance of getting off oil is merely beyond the close-minded economic model. Global Warming is an important issue and getting our world off hydrocarbons altogether is important.

What I am suggesting, therefore, is that governments set Price Controls for Petrol that are above and beyond what the market is willing to pay. Rather than increasing taxes (which is effective but fraught with government revenue addiction) the government could simply mandate that petrol prices be set at an artificially high level.

Here in Australia, unleaded petrol is selling for around $1.60 per litre. If price controls were enacted to lift that to, say, $3.20 per litre (a doubling), the result would be a market that was very unwilling to buy it. Raising prices in America to US$8.00 per gallon would have the same effect.

In many ways, the setting of an artificially high price would result in the opposite of setting them too low. Queueing would not be a problem - oversupply would be. Petrol stations would not be able to get rid of the stuff because consumers are just not willing to pay.

Of course, such an action would have rather unfortunate side effects - notably a downturn in the auto industry, higher transport costs (which would be inflationary) and all the associated problems that these would cause as the shock travelled through the economy. Setting prices higher than the market average - way higher - would result in less oil used but will also result in higher unemployment and lower economic growth.

Nevertheless, higher unemployment and lower economic growth are going to happen anyway as oil prices get higher. Moreover, as the market adjust to a lower-oil-dependent economy, things will return to "normal" with economic growth and unemployment adjusting to the new way of doing things.

Sadly, setting prices that high would be political suicide. Imagine if Kevin Rudd (Australia's PM) announced tomorrow to the nation that he has decided that they'll pay twice as much for petrol as they did before? The outcry would be immense. Even if these price controls were set up in stages (say, a monthly increase), it is unlikely that the voting population would tolerate it.

And this is, of course, a pity. Our world needs to be taken off its diet of hydrocarbons - both in the form of oil for cars and coal for electricity - and setting prices above what the market is willing to pay is a way to force the market into adopting zero carbon energy consumption.

AAAAAAAAA

A blog post with every single category marked (I'm doing this for scribefire)

2008-06-15

The ALP today - it stinks

As the years have passed by, I have become more firmly entrenched in a centre-left political stance. This means, of course, that I am more likely to vote for parties that subscribe to my politics. This is why I am more likely to support the Australian Labor Party and the Greens when it comes to elections.

I am not a partisan, however. I am not a member of any political party and I see principle and ideas to be far more important than supporting a particular political party. This is why I can, for example, praise the Howard government for its fiscal intelligence while also criticising them for their immoral stance on immigration and the Iraq War.

Yet despite Howard's success, and the success of the Liberal/National coalition in Federal politics, Australia is now governed entirely by the Australian Labor Party. Not only is Kevin Rudd the new PM in charge of an ALP government, but every single state government in Australia is Labor as well. Despite the apparent ascendency of the Liberal/National Coalition since 1996, the hard fact is that Australia is dominated by the ALP. More than that, the chances of a revival in the coalition's electoral success is increasingly slim. The Liberal Party, for example, took around 37% of votes in the last Federal Election. The National Party is in even worse shape, getting only 5.5% of votes.

Of course part of the reason why these figures are so low for the coalition is because of the rise of the Greens to being Australia's third largest political party. Yet the party which has been affected least by the Greens is the ALP.

The ALP has been enormously successful in surviving the Howard years at state level by positioning themselves as a centrist party. The dominant right faction of the ALP has ensured that the more progressive/leftist members of the ALP have not had any real power since the days of Gough Whitlam.

Yet I would have to say that the price of this success has been corruption and inaction. The NSW Labor Party, for example, is enduring all sorts of political fallout - all of it the result of their own stupidity and greed. NSW Labor politicians have been threatening restaurant staff, sexually abusing teenagers, taking money from property developers and mismanaging state funds for quite some time now.

I can't remember the last time I voted for the ALP. I think it was in the 1980s. Ever since then I have voted Liberal, Democrat or Green. The survival of the ALP and its reputation does not concern me in the slightest. I abhor any form of politics that results in inefficiency and corruption. Even though I was deeply angry with Howard's treatment of immigrants and his position on the Iraq War, I cannot think of any major scandal rocking his government during his 11 years in power.

One of the most frightening things I can think of is the potential for Kevin Rudd to turn into a federal version of Morris Iemma, leading a federal version of NSW Labor. That would be complete disaster. Unfortunately I can't see anything positive yet about Kevin Rudd's (albeit short) time as PM. So far Rudd has been strong on words but low on actual, measurable outcomes. Unless Rudd actually starts doing something, I can't see anything beyond a descent into a long term NSW-type Labor activity. And that will do nobody any good.

2008-05-13

Reactions to the Budget

I was working tonight so I didn't get to watch it live and have instead had to rely upon the SMH's less than stellar online coverage and comment. So here's my comments:

  1. Surplus of A$21.7 billion. I still can't find on the SMH website what Rudd and Swan are going to do with this money. It represents 1.8% of GDP and Australia's net public debt was erased 2-3 years ago so I'd like to know what they're going to do with it. Is it going into Howard's future fund? Will it be invested overseas?
  2. The income tax cuts are modest but are likely to be universal in scope, thus reducing the tax burden upon every Australian wage earner, but affecting low wage earners the most (a nice change from all the tax cuts for the rich made under Howard). High wage earners do get a cut as well, which doesn't really bother me much.
  3. Environmental spending is a joke. Rudd's environmental credentials have been shot out of the water with this budget. A$2.3 billion sounds like a lot, but it is peanuts compared to other areas of spending. If Peter Garrett doesn't resign in protest at this there is no point in supporting the guy's political career any further. Bob Brown is rightly "concerned".
  4. $250 million on roads isn't really a huge amount but there's little, if any, money going towards any form of post peak oil infrastructure. It's as though oil is still around $25 per barrel in Rudd's mind.
In short, there is nothing in this budget that could be called daring or far-sighted. There are some good things but there's a whole heap of incorrect assumptions they have made over the environment and the effects of high oil prices. Cutting spending and keeping a big budget may sound nice from an inflationary perspective, but does little in actual solutions.

Don't get me wrong - I'm glad that Howard is gone - it's just that Rudd and the ALP have not managed to go beyond the symbolic (saying sorry to Indigenous Australians, signing Kyoto) and actually done anything of substance. The budget was the ALP's chance to do something really different - instead we got a few nice things thrown together with a bunch of blinkered decisions.

My verdict? 4 out of 10. Fail.

2008-03-15

Unemployment, Recessions and Monetary Policy

Okay, first look at this graph:


This is another FRED graph, courtesy of the St Louis Fed. The blue line represents the unemployment rate while the red line represents year-on-year GDP growth. As you can see there are some interesting relationships.

It doesn't take an (economic) Einstein to tell you that unemployment rises whenever GDP drops - it is one of the most obvious relationships in economic history and one that is borne out quite clearly in the graph above. Moreover, as I pointed out in a previous posting, unemployment in recessions rises quite suddenly and then tapers off slowly as the economy recovers.

Let me put it another way: Downturns lead to very sudden spikes in unemployment; recoveries lead to a slow and steady decrease in unemployment.

This is an important piece of economic data, because it teaches us that, while a definite relationship between GDP and employment exists, the relationship does not have an equal result. During the recession and recovery period, GDP drops then recovers again, and may even exceed GDP levels prior to the recession - yet this occurs while unemployment levels remain higher than what they were prior to the recession.

This graph, again from the St Louis Fed, shows what I am talking about:


Because of the way the graph is designed, the unemployment data appears different to the first graph but is exactly the same. What is different is that the GDP figures are now measured in chained 2000 dollars (which takes inflation into account) rather than the year-on-year GDP growth of the first graph.

Look at the 1979 and early 1980s "double dip" recession. What do we see here? The first thing to note is that US GDP at the beginning of the 1979 recession was lower than at the end of the early 1980s recession. In other words, the US economy had a net expansion - albeit a small one - that spanned these two recessions. Yet unemployment, which was 6% at the beginning of the 1979 recession, reached 10.8% when the second recession was over.

So. We have a situation in which there was net economic growth alongside a considerable increase in unemployment. Why?

The issue is not the fact that there was net GDP growth - the issue is that GDP growth during this period (1979-1982) underwent a series of contractions (whereby GDP actually declined). It is these contractions which have the effect of causing large spikes in unemployment.

I would argue, therefore, that the best conditions for creating steady employment over a long period is not to increase GDP growth, but to prevent economic contractions. The longer the period between contractions, the more stable the labour market is and the less unemployed people there will be.

Of course, this is not to say that GDP growth isn't important - it is. Moreover, preventing an economic contraction logically assumes that GDP should grow.

What I am suggesting, though, is that GDP should never be allowed to grow too fast. Growth must be sacrificed in the short term in order to allow growth over the long term. Moreover, short term growth must be sacrificed in order to prevent a contraction later.

For those whose study of economics takes into account the importance of social justice, economic growth must not become an end it itself. In other words, increasing output, while important, should not be the sole outcome. Any form of economic growth must result in higher standards of living for the people who live in the economy - including those whose contributions are not as great as others.

From a macroeconomic perspective, therefore, progressive economists should embrace any system or policy that will prevent contractions while allowing room for slower-paced economic growth.

Here's one: Absolute Price Stability.

Yes you were probably waiting for my solution, probably even waiting for that one.

Absolute Price Stability (APS) is an alternative form of monetary policy to the inflation targeting practised by most central banks. Rather than trying to keep inflation under 3% (which is the policy of the Reserve Bank of Australia), APS involves the central bank keeping prices completely stable over the course of the business cycle. In practice, this would mean having neither inflation nor deflation. Of course, prices go up and down all the time - but whenever inflation rises it means that prices are going up more and down less. Deflation, of course, has an opposite effect. Moreover APS is not some pseudo price fixing law - prices can go up and down as much as the market dictates. However, for APS to run effectively, the market's ability to affect prices must have a neutral - rather than inflationary or deflationary - effect.

But in order to maintain Absolute Price Stability, central banks must essentially set their inflation targets to zero ("zeroflation") and work hard at maintaining that goal. In practice, this means that interest rates will have to increase while inflation drops to zero. While small amounts of inflation or deflation may be tolerated in the short term, the overall long term goal is to have prices remain where they are. Rather than measuring inflation via the traditional CPI, inflation could be measured as the number 100 in an index. If Absolute Price Stability is achieved on, say, 1 August 2010, then the index would read 100. As inflation or deflation is experienced, that number will go up or down slightly (eg 99.85, 100.25). The long term goal for central banks, however, would be to keep the index at 100, with monetary policy (the raising or lowering of interest rates) being used to achieve this.

So what has Absolute Price Stability got to do with preventing contractions?

Well, since APS requires that interest rates remain relatively high in order to keep inflation low, the natural effect upon the economy would be to dampen economic growth. Rather than investing in shares or in property, or spending money to buy consumer goods, people are more likely to save money. Why? Because they will be in an environment with higher than usual interest rates - the high interest rates reward those who put their money into savings accounts. Keeping money stored in savings accounts and term deposits gives households and businesses a "buffer" against any unforeseen events. Moreover, it means that companies who employ people are more likely to have a cash buffer protecting their business and thus the job security of its employees. Together, this means that both households and businesses have their own form of safety net in case of problems.

To be sure, such practice will hardly speed up the economy in the short term - and that's exactly the point. Any economy who practices Absolute Price Stability will discover that the first few years will be hard. Moreover, the most obvious short term effect of APS will be a dampening of economic activity - even a recession - as higher interest rates begin to bite. It also means that any recovery will be rather slow. From that point on, however, Absolute Price Stability - which is essentially a contractionary policy to start with - will ensure that the economy grows at a slow and steady rate while unemployment drops at a steady rate as well. This process is pretty much covered by Keynesian economics.

It may seem strange that I am advocating a policy that will cause an economic downturn and result in higher levels of unemployment. It may seem even stranger that my reason for advocating this policy is to protect employment. But the reason is that APS is a dynamic policy that results in a downturn first and a sustained recovery later; it results in higher unemployment first and then long term low unemployment later. It is the sacrifice of the now to ensure that the future is better prepared for.

APS will, all things being equal, prevent the economy from contracting - and thus keep the economy running well enough to provide long term job opportunities. Will APS erase contractions enitrely? Will it remove "peaks and troughs" in economic growth? All things being equal, APS will, I believe, be able to achieve this. However, any form of supply shortages (such as oil) will cause the economy to contract, in spite of the practice of Absolute Price Stability. Thus all things are not really equal, although I would still argue that maintaining zeroflation is essential even if the economy is contracting due to any supply shocks.

I need to point out that zeroflation is not deflation - it is simply keeping prices stable, neither rising nor falling. Nor will APS necessarily result in a static or declining money supply - zeroflation is essentially supplying exactly enough money as the economy demands, no more (inflation) and no less (deflation). Zeroflation is quite achievable in an economy in which the money supply is growing.

The only country that has managed to experience zeroflation is Japan, and that only after their mid 90s "long recession", which included a period of destructive deflation. Since Japan's recovery, GDP growth has been quite modest compared to other nations, but their unemployment rate has remained low (and at around 4% is lower than the US) and the standard of living remains high (as shown by GDP per capita - US$33,800 in 2007 - and a high placing in the United Nations Human Development Index). Yet despite the fact that Japan's society is benefiting from its zeroflation economy, many in the US continue to believe that Japan's economy is a "basket case" and is unable to grow at its full potential. (The fact that Japan's economy has long recovered from its 1990s recession seems to have eluded many American commentators).

This combination of zeroflation and low growth has allowed Japan to have a more sustainable economy that has provided long term jobs for its people. While the Japanese are hardly choosing zeroflation (it has essentially been forced upon them by circumstances and does not exist by design) and while the economy still has some major imbalances (namely massive public debt), current economic conditions are reasonably good. Of course, this is not to say that exogenous factors won't affect them - they export to the US so they will obviously feel some pain from the US recession - but their current zeroflation environment will help them cope with any changes they will experience.

At this present time, monetary policy is being questioned. Here in Australia the Labor government has vowed to cut spending in order to control rising inflation, a move back to pre-1996 behaviour whereby Australian governments would aim to use fiscal policy as the way of attacking inflation, rather than the Howard years of paying off debt and leaving it to the Reserve Bank to control prices. In America, the Federal Reserve under the chairmanship of Ben Bernanke seems to have jettisoned any concern about inflation altogether and seems to be trying to create as much money out of thin air as possible in order to prevent a recession. Meanwhile the European Central Bank continues its strict anti-inflationary policies inherited from its immediate predecessor, the Bundesbank, all the time while European unemployment levels remain stubbornly high in comparison to other industrialised nations.

With inflation rising worldwide and economic stagnation a certainty, many will wonder at what influence central banks will have in the future to influence the economy. I don't think it is time to ditch the lessons we learned from the 1970s just yet - strong, independent central banks with an exclusive focus on price stability are more important that this generation realises. If Absolute Price Stability is to be introduced, these central banks need to be trusted more, not less, than what they are now.


© 2008 Neil McKenzie Cameron, http://one-salient-oversight.blogspot.com/

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2008-02-22

Meanwhile, in Parliament today



Tony Abbott produces a cardboard cutout of Kevin Rudd.

The full report from the ABC is here.

That bloke to the bottom left of Tony Abbott - he looks like Kel Knight from Kath & Kim.

Update:
The Kel Knight lookalike is National party member Luke Hartsuyker, and was the one who brought the cutout in. He was ejected from the chamber as a result of his stunt.

2008-02-21

NSW Labor - as corrupt as you can get

Morris Iemma was battling an escalating corruption scandal last night that threatened to draw in two of his most senior ministers and to bring down one of the state's biggest Labor-controlled councils.

Joe Scimone - a close ally of the Minister for Ports and Waterways, Joe Tripodi, and a friend for 30 years of the former Wollongong lord mayor and current Police Minister, David Campbell - stood down from his job managing property within NSW Maritime yesterday pending the outcome of an Independent Commission Against Corruption inquiry.

There are allegations before the commission that Mr Scimone, a former Wollongong Council officer, paid $30,000 last year to conmen posing as commission officers who were offering to destroy evidence against him.

Mr Tripodi's office confirmed last night that Mr Scimone, a former federal Labor preselection candidate and Labor branch president, had been stood down on full pay.

The future of Wollongong City Council was in doubt last night as some of its ALP councillors were further implicated in the growing sexual and corruption scandal inside the council.
And that's why I don't vote for the ALP. I am sick of how easy it is for corruption to infiltrate politics. I may be down on John Howard and his government, but at least there was little evidence of this sort of corruption. If the Rudd government gets drawn into a corruption scandal in the next few years, I wouldn't be surprised.

2008-02-13

Sorry

I just watched Australian PM Kevin Rudd give his "sorry" speech. It was stirring stuff, even for a cynic like myself. Of course I will always believe that only actual, real, measurable change is needed in order to improve the lives of indigenous Australians, but at least we've gone one important step in that direction.

It was also great to see so many people in parliament wiping away tears, including the indigenous visitors.

2008-02-04

Unimpressed with Labor

From the department of wrong-move:
Federal cabinet today approved a scheme offering an effective tax break for aspiring first home owners, giving them incentives to save a deposit.

Treasurer Wayne Swan said cabinet had agreed on the first home saver account, first flagged during the election campaign.

"This is a modest long-term measure to assist more young Australians to achieve their dream of home ownership," he told reporters following a cabinet meeting.

"Young Australians saving for their first home will attract a government contribution equivalent to 15 per cent discount on their marginal tax rate."

The scheme will start in the second half of this year.
The housing bubble has blown up all over the world. There are various reasons for this, but here in Australia the housing market has become overheated due to two bits of government legislation: The first homebuyers grant and negative gearing.

These two policies, designed to supposedly "help" the housing industry, have only made house prices higher. In other words, the stated reason for their existence - helping people to own homes - has made it more difficult. There's an irony there to be sure.

I believe that government can and should intervene in the normal functions of the marketplace if it can be shown clearly that such an intervention would benefit all (government, buyers, sellers, stakeholders). At this present moment in time I do not believe that the government should have any say at all in the housing market (except, of course, ensuring that houses are built according to the rules). The government should basically butt out of the market altogether. The Coalition helped to overheat the housing market because of the first homebuyers grant and negative gearing. Now the ALP is continuing this overheating by giving first home buyers a "tax break".

In order for the property market to act properly, it needs to cool down. House prices have to decrease to more sustainable levels. This act by the ALP will do nothing to help the market cool down - in fact it will simply inflate the bubble and stoke inflation. It may provide a short term "boost" to house prices - which are completely unsustainable as it stands already - but will end up hurting everyone in the end.

By enacting this policy, the ALP have essentially shown themselves to be either a) ignorant of economic facts, b) overly political, or c) both.

Not happy Kev.

2008-01-30

Sorry Day coming up

From the department of it's-a-good-beginning:
The Federal Government has set the date for a formal apology to the members of the Stolen Generation.

The apology will be the first item of business for the new Federal Parliament.

It will be delivered by Prime Minister Kevin Rudd on February 13.

Indigenous Affairs Minister Jenny Macklin says the apology is on behalf of the Australian Government and will not be attributing guilt to the current generation of Australians.

Ms Macklin says the content of the apology is still subject to widespread consultation, but she says it will form a necessary step to move forward.

A traditional Welcome to Country will be held as part of the Parliament's opening ceremony by members of the Ngunnawal people.
It will be interesting to hear what Rudd has to say. I'm hoping that his "formal apology" is neither trite nor overbearing, but simple, heartfelt and to the point. Obviously, though, I am hoping for actual, measurable changes rather than just mere words - but at least it's a start.

Indigenous Australians are this country's poorest people. How they fare under the Rudd government over the next few years will help define whether this new government is a success or a failure in the eyes of history. After 11 years of Coalition rule, history will not be kind to John Howard when it comes to his dealings with Aboriginal people.

2008-01-22

Kevin Rudd wants us to save more

From the department of ho-hum:
Householders could be offered incentives to cut spending and save more of their income as part of the Federal Government's drive to control inflation.

Mapping out a five-point plan to fight inflation yesterday, Kevin Rudd said he wanted to build a national savings culture to help reduce demand pressures which were pushing up prices.

"Providing attractive incentives to save can help take the pressure off inflation, help people save for their future and help lift national savings," the Prime Minister said.

While he did not give details, measures likely to be examined include encouraging higher superannuation contributions and tax breaks for savings.

Mr Rudd also promised to increase the budget surplus to around $18 billion next financial year and to speed up policies to train more skilled workers and get more people into the workforce.
Kev's been in power for a short amount of time. It's too early to judge him for his performances but, I have to say, I'm not impressed as yet.

Rudd wants Australian households to save more money. That's an admirable goal. It's an important goal as well since a) Saving instead of spending will reduce inflation, and b) Australia's household savings rate is not as strong as it should be. As the figures show, Australian Households have been on a borrowing and spending binge for a number of years, and have only in the last 12-18 months begun to reverse that trend. Servicing debt now accounts for about 12% of gross disposable income.

Rudd's solutions, though, are not going to work terribly well. In order for Australian households to increase their savings rate, they need to value money more. In other words, the value of money has to increase in relation to all the goods and services it can buy. This means that inflation has to not just be fought against, it has to be defeated.

A person with money has a choice - they can either spend their money or save it. How each individual makes this choice differs from person to person as some will save more than others while another will spend more than others. This is how markets work, in all their flawed glory. Yet this behaviour will only continue so long as things remain equal - change the equations and the market will change its behaviour.

If the Reserve Bank increased interest rates, it would make money more valuable. That change in the equation will lead a significant amount of net spenders to become net savers. The reason is simple - these people will choose to save their money to increase their personal wealth rather than spend the money on goods and services.

As I have argued many times before, any form of price instability is going to hurt the economy over the long term. Keeping inflation between 2-3% may seem to be the Reserve Bank's prerogative, but any form of inflation will result in cumulative levels of overspending and over-borrowing. If the Reserve Bank increased rates and aimed at keeping the price of money absolutely stable, the result will be a) a slowing economy initially, b) a decrease in the current account deficit, c) increased personal saving rates and d) a more sustainable economy over the long term.

Economics is about balance. A country's government should neither be in huge debt nor be a huge saver; A country's current account should neither be in continual surplus or in continual deficit; Prices should neither drop nor rise.

Of course, Rudd and the Reserve Bank do not consider Absolute Price Stability to be a worthwhile policy, mainly because they are probably completely unaware of it (and probably because I am the only person in the world who seems to champion it). Nevertheless, it is to Rudd's detriment that he does not link high household savings with higher interest rates.

2007-12-05

Bernie Banton ascends to the Union heavens in a chariot of fire

From the department of we-are-entering -a-workers-utopia:
More than 1,000 mourners are at Sydney's Olympic Park superdome to pay their respects to 61-year-old Mr Banton, who died from mesothelioma last week.

Mrs Banton said her husband had a big impact on the nation.

"The 'never take no for an answer' attitude of Bernie Banton brings hope nationally, and globally, that good will always triumph over evil," she said.

Prime Minister Kevin Rudd told mourners that Mr Banton was a "great Australian hero" with a "heart as big as Phar Lap".

"A hero in an age when we had all become so cynical that we didn't there could be heroes. He was an Australian hero with an extraordinary heart who lived an extraordinary life," he said.

Mr Rudd also saluted the trade union movement's role in "bringing justice to ordinary people", saying the unions had stuck with Mr Banton throughout his compensation struggle against building supplies giant James Hardie.
Okay I'm glad Labor won, and I'm sad that Bernie Banton died from the effects of years of working in an unsafe workplace.

But today I'm in no mood to rejoice over the worker's utopia that has has come upon us through the election of Kevin Rudd. This photo annoys me greatly, not because Banton was somehow less than what he claimed to be, but because it is through scenes like this that a person is so eulogised in death that he becomes myth, a saint of the working class. It would've been better for Banton's funeral to be held in a rickety, overcrowded church with suit-wearing mourners sweating profusely in the summer heat while ordinary looking relatives got up and spoke haltingly of his life.

Of course any society needs heroes. Banton worked hard to get compensation from James Hardie and became a figurehead of grassroots opposition to corporate bullying and penny-pinching. For this he should be remembered.

But our future is not bright. There is no workers utopia and never will be. Banton did not die in order to usher in the new age of Rudd as PM. The ALP under Rudd has many difficult decisions to make about issues like global warming and public health and public education. The ALP will inevitably place personal power and party politics over good governance and competence.

So let's remember Banton, but let's not somehow justify inevitable political failures by invoking his name.



© 2007 Neil McKenzie Cameron, http://one-salient-oversight.blogspot.com/

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Is Kevin Rudd the lead singer of U2?

From the department of I-will-follow:
Australia will take on a highly ambitious and activist role on the international stage under the new Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, who has unveiled a grand plan for uniting the world on climate change.

Heralding a significant shift in foreign policy from the Howard era, Mr Rudd - former diplomat and China expert - told the Herald yesterday he intended to use Australia's new position as a member of the Kyoto club to "bridge the gap" between developed and developing countries on future emissions controls.

In his first newspaper interview as Prime Minister, Mr Rudd admitted it was an enormous challenge but said Australia had a "national and international responsibility to the next generation" to do everything it could to counter the threat of climate change.

Mr Rudd will travel to Bali on Tuesday to join the UN conference on climate change, in what will be his first appearance on the world stage as Prime Minister.
High hopes indeed. Kevin Rudd not only wants to help change the world, he seems to want to do it Bono style. Of course there are some differences between Bono and Kevin. First of all, Kevin Rudd can't sing while Bono... can't really sing either but at least he makes a career out of it. Secondly, Kevin is married to a multimillionaire businesswoman, while Bono is a multimillionaire who sometimes dresses like a woman. Thirdly, Kevin Rudd has yet to be interviewed naked, while Bono... well let's just leave that. Fourthly, Kevin hasn't really achieved anything substantial yet in the world of politics while Bono... um.

Hey, it has just occurred to me that I have never seen Bono or Kevin Rudd in the same place before. When I saw U2 in 1989, I could've sworn that the guy out the front was speaking Mandarin and wearing emo glasses...

2007-12-03

Rudd signs Kyoto

From the department of step one:
Australia has ratified the Kyoto Protocol. Prime Minister Kevin Rudd signed the instrument of ratification of the Kyoto Protocol in his first act after being sworn in this morning.

The ratification will come into force in 90 days.

"This is the first official act of the new Australian Government, demonstrating my Government's commitment to tackling climate change," Mr Rudd said in a statement.

Mr Rudd said the ratification was considered and approved by the first executive council meeting of the Government this morning.

"The Governor-General has granted his approval for Australia to ratify the Kyoto Protocol at my request," he said.

Under United Nations guidelines, ratification comes into force 90 days after the instrument of ratification is received by the UN, making Australia a full member of the Kyoto Protocol by the end of March 2008.

"Australia's official declaration today that we will become a member of the Kyoto Protocol is a significant step forward in our country's efforts to fight climate change domestically - and with the international community," Mr Rudd said.
It's a good start. Ratifying Kyoto is really only a symbolic step. I'll be happier when they actually do something, like pass legislation that severely curtails coal-fired electricity, subsidises green power, closes coal mines, increases tax on petrol... you know, the stuff that actually works (and hurts).

2007-11-30

The Liberal Party is not history

From the department of even-I-know-that-making -wild-predictions-can-be-silly:
So what will be the new polarity in future elections? It's the ecology, stupid. The Greens will emerge as the new opposition, though this will take probably two election cycles. By the 2010 election, 20 per cent will vote Green, simply because peak oil and climate catastrophe will have proven them right, and thinking people will see the need for austerity now for our children's tomorrow. The Liberal Party will be lucky to attract 30 per cent, which is the habitual, rusted-on portion of the community that thinks greed is good.

By 2014, we will have a struggle between a new left and right - Labor and Green - and the issue will be simply how green, how to balance the need for a much simpler and more communal kind of life, with the need to give people comfort and amenity now. This issue will continue to define life for the rest of this century.

Climate change will bring horrific costs this century unless a global effort is rallied in a way that has never been done before to regulate our gluttonous use of the air and water. Perhaps a billion lives are at risk, let alone 2 to 3 billion refugees, as agriculture and water supplies collapse across southern Asia and elsewhere, and producer countries, like Australia, find they can barely feed themselves.

The big lie of Liberal supremacy was economic management. In fact, they knew how to generate income, but not how to spend it. We could have been building what Europe built in this past decade - superb hospitals, bullet trains, schools and training centres, low cost public transport of luxurious quality, magnificent public housing. We pissed it all away on tax giveaways and consumer goods. On bloated homes that we will not be able to cool or heat, or sell, and cars we won't be able to afford to drive. A party based on self interest may evaporate along with our rivers and lakes, and have no role to play in a world where we co-operate or die.
This article was written by Australian psychologist Steve Biddulph. Having a psychologist wax lyrical about politics may sound a bit silly, but then, if you're reading my blog you can accept that ordinary people can have opinions on things (even if they're crazy).

Biddulph's article has been dissected slightly by both Byron and Dave who make note of Biddulph's mention of Peak Oil and Global Warming. Of course I agree with all three (Byron, Dave and Steve) yet I can't help but feel a little concerned about Biddulph's very specific prophecies. He states, for example, that 20% of voters in 2010 will vote Green, that the Liberal Party will struggle to get 30% of the vote and that a new political order will eventually exist between a left-of-centre Labor party and the leftist Greens.

Biddulph is correct in that there will be a movement towards the left - but this is not so much due to economics or the environment but simply socio-historical factors. All nations around the world have swung towards the left and to the right since the industrial revolution and the birth of modern democracy. Australia has gone through a conservative phase and is now due to go through a progressive one. Eventually we will move back towards conservatism. Other nations, like the US, Britain and Europe, go through the same process, although there will often be a disconnect between when nations do this. The US, for example, is becoming progressive while France, for example, is becoming more conservative.

The problem with Australia's experience with conservatism is that, economically, it has been quite successful. Take out the problems with Workchoices and housing market overheating caused by Negative Gearing & the First Homebuyers grant, and you will find that the handling of the economy by the Coalition government was probably the best in the entire world. At no point during the Coalition's reign did a recession hit (even though the world went through two major economic crises in 1997 and 2001), government spending was reduced (but not enough to hurt badly) and average income rose (without sacrificing median income - until workchoices hit that is). Moreover - and I will say this until I am blue in the face - Australia's public debt is now effectively zero, a unique accomplishment in the industrialised world, and not dependent upon government owned oil companies (as is the case with Norway). While Biddulph is correct when he laments over the lost years of not investing in things like education, health care and public transport, the fact is that any move towards these sorts of things under the new ALP government is more likely to be economically sustainable.

(I need to point out that although the Coalition managed to pay off public debt, the debt which had accrued under the Hawke and Keating government was much less than what people realise. At its peak, public debt in Australia reached the equivalent of 20% of GDP, which is quite mild compared to places like America, currently at 40% of GDP, and Italy, currently at 100% of GDP. It's facts like this that make me trust the ALP fiscally since they didn't mess up as badly as the Liberal party would like us to believe. A friend of mine, a former young Liberal, told me in all earnestness that Australia in 1996 was on the verge of begging help from the IMF, such was the problem with public debt. In hindsight, that sort of belief was very much incorrect.)

So while the Howard government and the Liberal party have been thrown out of office for everything but economics - and deservedly so I might add - the underlying belief will be that, if Australia faces an economic crisis, the Liberal party will be popularly seen as being good stewards of the economy. That will be enough to keep the Liberal party in people's minds for some time to come.

Of course, much depends upon what happens over the next few years as to whether the Liberal Party's public perception is altered, and whether or not the ALP and the Greens will become more popular. So far, global warming has not made any massive changes yet. While we hear of Greenland melting, we have yet to actually see any form of sea level rise. That may come suddenly or it may come in many years. There's no doubt that if Australia suffers economically and socially as a result of global warming then the Liberal Party will lose out terribly, since it was they who refused to do anything solid about it in their eleven years in government. If things keep going the way they are over the next three years, with greater public acceptance of global warming influencing government policy, then we can expect quite a few more votes going towards the Greens, but nothing like the 20% that Biddulph predicts. As I pointed out the other day, the Greens would be lucky to get beyond 9% of the vote in 2010, all things being equal of course.

But what about Peak Oil? Will the reputation of the Liberal Party suffer because of the effects of reduced oil supplies and higher petrol prices? I doubt it. Despite government inaction, Australia is one of the few nations lucky enough to be well suited for the Peak. With an agricultural surplus and vast coal reserves, Australia stands to gain much economically during the coming crisis. Moreover, the economic conditions that have prospered under the coalition government will respond well to increased overseas exports.

So while Biddulph is correct in his assumption that Peak Oil and Global Warming will affect Australian politics quite strongly for years to come, I don't think we can assume that the Liberal Party will simply disappear of the map, and nor can we assume that the Greens will be able to capture the mainstream vote.

Of course, I could quite easily be wrong and Biddulph could quite easily be right if a sudden global environmental disaster - such as the melting of Greenland's ice sheets - occurs within the next few years. I fully expect some level of crisis occurring within the next 20 years, but there is no way to find out which is more likely.

2007-11-29

Australia's minor parties

It's always interesting to see how Australia's smaller parties have fared in federal elections over the years. I have compiled a table below based upon figures from the ever-reliable and always trustworthy Wikipedia. The percentage vote you see is what is called "the primary vote", which is then distributed according to Australia's preferential voting system. I've started in 1919 because that was the first year the National Party (or "Country Party" as it was known back then) entered federal politics.





Election Year

Country Party / National Party

Australian Democrats

The Greens

1919

9.26

-

-

1922

12.56

-

-

1925

10.74

-

-

1928

10.47

-

-

1929

10.27

-

-

1931

12.25

-

-

1934

12.61

-

-

1937

15.55

-

-

1940

13.71

-

-

1943

6.96

-

-

1946

10.70

-

-

1949

10.87

-

-

1951

9.72

-

-

1954

8.52

-

-

1955

7.90

-

-

1958

9.32

-

-

1961

8.51

-

-

1963

8.94

-

-

1966

9.84

-

-

1969

8.56

-

-

1972

9.44

-

-

1974

9.96

-

-

1975

11.25

-

-

1977

10.01

9.38

-

1980

8.97

6.57

-

1983

9.21

5.03

-

1984

10.63

5.45

-

1987

11.50

6.00

-

1990

8.42

11.26

-

1993

7.17

3.75

1.86

1996

8.21

6.76

2.92

1998

5.29

5.13

2.14

2001

5.61

5.41

4.96

2004

5.89

1.24

7.19

2007

5.5

0.69

7.5

Election Year

Country Party / National Party

Australian Democrats

The Greens






(2007 figures are approximate only)

A few things to note about these facts.

The National Party.

Notice how the National Party never really became a force in Australian politics? Although they have been in a coalition with the Liberal party for many decades, the amount of people voting for them has never exceeded the 1937 figure of 15.55%. The reason for this is because the Nationals are essentially the party for the country folk. Socially conservative, nationalistic rural people have been the mainstay of the National Party for most of its life.

Yet also notice that as we move closer to the 21st century, the voting percentage seems to be on an inexorable downhill slide? Ever since 1990, the Nationals have been attracting fewer and fewer votes. The difference between the 1996 and 1998 election results was due entirely to the influence of Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party whose populist efforts stripped the Nationals of nearly 3 percentage points in the votes. Yet notice also that, despite the demise of ONP, the Nationals have permanently lost about three-eighths of its voting base. Yet in the election just fought, the Nationals vote has dropped down to almost where it was in 1998, and without any Pauline Hanson there to affect them. It's evidence that Pauline Hanson basically turned 3% of the National Party voters into swinging voters.

Put simply, the National Party is at a low ebb, and the reasons for this are self inflicted.

The first reason is that the National Party isn't National. Back in April I blogged about this and discovered that the National Party is only present in NSW, Victoria and Queensland. There are virtually no National Party politicians from Tasmania, South Australia or Western Australia.

The second reason is that the arrangement that they have with the Liberal party - that they will not run candidates against each other (most of the time) - favours a demographic in which more people are in urban areas and less people in rural ones. This choice by the National Party has essentially led the Liberal Party to take over the conservative vote in the urban areas of Australia while rural electorates decline in number.

If the National Party wish to survive, they need to radically change the way they do politics, which means they need to loosen their relationship with the Liberal Party whilst still working with them. I would suggest the following:
  1. Run candidates in every single lower house seat throughout Australia, including urban areas and in WA, SA and Tasmania. This would mean running against Liberals in urban seats, but it would also mean that the Liberal Party runs candidates in rural seats. This would naturally upset the Liberal party somewhat, but an arrangement can be made whereby each party gives the other their preferences. This would work in the Senate as well.
  2. A "re-branding" of their politics. I would suggest that the National Party present itself as pro-market but also socially conservative, which would, in turn, help the Liberal Party to become a pro-market but socially centrist party. Voters for both the Liberals and the Nationals would therefore include most people who are pro-market, but allows voters to decide for themselves whether they wish to be socially conservative or socially centrist. After the recent electoral loss, many Australians are crying out for an alternative conservative party to the Liberals.
  3. Work hard at developing a "conservative environmentalism" that would a) Allow the party to handle environmental issues like global warming sensibly, while b) Not compromising their stance on free-market policies. The secret to tapping Australia's growing environmental concerns without losing out to the Greens would be to take the issue seriously while keeping the focus upon maintaining a market economy.
The Democrats.

Look back at the voting figures for the Dems. They started off their political life with a bang, surged forward in 1990 to become Australia's third largest political party, and have since collapsed into nothingness. This is not the result of dirty tricks by other parties, but is their own silly fault.

The Democrats were often misunderstood by the voting public. Some saw them as an alternative to the ALP since their policies were quite progressive - yet the Australian Democrats came out of the Liberal Party in the 1970s as a reaction against some of that party's departures from liberalism and libertarianism. The 1990 election, which saw them reach the giddy heights of 11.26% of the vote, was too much for them to cope with. Faced with two directions to go in - remain true to their ideals or get more votes - they chose the wrong path (votes) and have suffered to the point of extinction.

The Democrats distinguished themselves by "keeping the bastards honest" and thus communicated to the voting public that they were different to the other parties. Yet, as time wore on, it was clear that they were not that much different at all. The defection of Cheryl Kernot to the ALP and the subsequent leadership tussles - including Natasha Stott Despoja's painful reign - showed that the Democrats were actually bastards themselves. Without the anti-bastard belief, people were forced to rely upon policies which, because the Democrats were centrist, were never fully communicated.

Personally I think the Democrats are history. But they can rise from the grave if they do the following:
  1. Elect a leader who is vigorous, charismatic and, above all, politically friendly. Having a leader who says that he is happy to work with all parties is essential for a centrist party.
  2. Conduct a "return to the Democrats" campaign in their home state of South Australia. South Australia was always their stronghold and the future lies in reigniting their traditional "base".
  3. Have a reasonable goal for the next election - say 2% of the vote.
The Greens.

The Greens are now firmly entrenched as Australia's third largest political party, overtaking The National Party and The Democrats in only 14 years of political life. Once seen as a fringe group, The Greens are now part of the mainstream, and are a threat to both the Liberal and Labor party.

What I find very interesting is that The Greens have managed to gain substantial votes in electorates that are strongly Liberal or strongly Labor. Take the seat I live in - Newcastle. If ever there was a union heartland, Newcastle is it. Yet despite the large Labor victory margin, over 10% of Novacastrians voted Green, one-third more than the national average. Similarly, the seat of Berowra, a very safe Liberal seat, had 9% of votes go to The Greens.

Overall, the 7.5% figure for the Greens is, to be honest, disappointing. Ever since An Inconvenient Truth hit the video store shelves, Australians have, generally, become quite supportive of efforts to help the environment. Yet only 0.3% more Australians voted for The Greens in 2007 than they did in 2004. Despite having a competent looking leader (Bob Brown) who wears suits rather than hemp sacks, I would surmise that many are still wary of the Greens radicalism, especially in areas like the economy and industrial relations. The Greens are not "closet communists" but they are more to the left of politics than the Labor Party is and would not be embarrassed to promote leftist-style policies. This naturally frightens people.

The Greens greatest weakness is in non-coastal rural areas. Byron Bay and other coastal places have their fair share of conservative farmers battling policy with local Greens, but once you move inland to places like Tamworth, The Greens are quite weak. The seat of New England, for example, garnered only 3% of votes for the Greens.

The only way that The Greens could become the largest political party in Australia, and to run the country and have its own PM, is for a wholesale national movement towards leftist economics. That's hardly going to happen any time soon. Yet if The Greens modify their approach to become more centrist economically, they will risk losing their base. They have got 7.5% of the vote already despite their leftist agenda, which means they should keep plugging away at what they do best.

It's possible that Kevin Rudd's popularity shaved a few percentage points off The Greens during this election, which means that The Greens could possibly get more votes at the next one.

So what should the Greens do? They should continue to broaden their base (by diverting more resources into country areas) while deepening it (by continuing to grow in urban areas).

The Greens could easily go the same way as The Democrats if they forget their principles and become too "political" within their own ranks. They should not give up on their basic principles and should rely more upon educating potential voters rather than polling to find out what policies they should change. This sort of activity will not result in large votes but will result in growing influence over time. Yet if the Greens do not increase their votes then their Senate presence will not grow either, thus hindering their ability to handle policies to help the environment. Ideally the Greens should hope to increase their votes to between 8.5 - 9.0% by the next federal election. Any more than that would indicate either a) That the Greens have compromised themselves, or b) That an environmental emergency was taking place.



© 2007 Neil McKenzie Cameron, http://one-salient-oversight.blogspot.com/

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2007-11-25

Australia's hung Senate

Senate make-up after last night's election:

National/Liberal Coalition 37 seats
Australian Labor Party 32 seats
Greens 5 seats
Family First 1 Seat
Nick Xenophon 1 Seat

Of the 76 seats in the Senate, 38 will lean conservative (Nats+Libs+Family First) and 38 will lean progressive (ALP+Greens+Xenophon).

Of importance here is the opinions of Family First and Nick Xenophon. Both think that Workchoices was a bad idea, so Rudd will certainly have the numbers to modify the legislation if he needs to.

Xenophon thinks Iraq was a bad idea... but I'm not certain what Family First think. Given the mandate Rudd now has I would very much doubt it if conservatives in the Senate would prevent any withdrawl.

However, what is good about this "hung" senate is that we can pretty much rule out any move towards a Communist Revolution and the establishment of the People's Democratic Republic of Australia. By having a hung senate, Rudd and the ALP will have to write legislation firmly aimed at the centre of the political spectrum. That's good news.

Update: Notice - no Democrats. The party's over. Game over man.